Gaza City in Ruins: Life Under Siege as Israel Prepares for Another Offensive Against Hamas Militants

In 2020, Gaza’s largest city was bustling with life, offering a semblance of normality amidst the siege. Schools were filled with children, markets teemed with shoppers, and beachside cafes provided respite for residents seeking escape from the enclave’s ongoing strife.

With its rich history dating back thousands of years, Gaza City has been inhabited by numerous civilizations and served as a refuge for Palestinians displaced during Israel’s founding in 1948. Its millennia-old sites serve as testament to its storied past.

Given its strategic location, it was no surprise that the Islamist militant group Hamas chose Gaza City as their de facto capital after seizing control of the strip in 2007.

However, years of conflict, a crippling blockade, and Hamas’ autocratic rule made life challenging for Palestinians. The institutions established by Hamas, supported by regional governments like Qatar and the United Nations aid system, provided some structure to the strip’s exhausted population.

An underground smuggling network allowed Gaza City a taste of the outside world amidst the land, air, and sea siege imposed by neighbors Israel and Egypt, who both designate Hamas as a terror organization. Although life was far from easy in Gaza City, with half the population unemployed and strict patrols by Hamas’ police force, one could still enjoy a matcha latte on the way to a yoga studio or relax in a park.

Today, what once was the cultural and financial hub of the enclave lies in ruins, devastated by months of relentless Israeli assault following Hamas’ deadly attack on Israel two years ago. With Israel planning another offensive against the densely populated area to eliminate Hamas militants hiding underground, residents of Gaza City face mounting fears for their survival once again.

The collapse of normal life in the coastal enclave followed Israel’s brutal response to Hamas’ attack. Hundreds of thousands sheltering in shattered buildings are left to fend for themselves after the fall of Hamas’ policing apparatus. Uncertain about their future, residents listen for news of the next food shipment or the sound of water trickling from bathroom pipes, offering a rare chance for a shower.

Israel does not allow journalists into Gaza. Residents of Gaza City have shared accounts that paint a grim picture of the city amidst the war. Tens of thousands of Israeli strikes have left towering buildings in rubble, and garbage and sewage water flood the streets. Black smoke from burning plastic and wood, used by residents for fuel, fills the skies while overhead drones buzz constantly amid sporadic blasts from airstrikes nearby.

A chaotic web of wires from street generators supplies power to those who can afford to pay. Markets display an array of exorbitantly priced food items, possibly looted by criminal gangs from the few aid trucks Israel allows into the strip. Hospitals and pharmacies no longer function, and hygiene products remain scarce for Palestinians, who report infestations of lice, malnutrition, and weakened health due to a lack of food and vitamins.

As night falls, armed thugs roam the streets, and families take up arms to protect themselves. Cash can be transferred to Gaza through an informal banking system – but those seeking to withdraw it are forced to pay up to 50% in commission to individuals and groups controlling the money supply.

Hamas, once a ubiquitous presence on the streets of Gaza City, is now absent. Its political offices, organizational municipalities, and police stations have been destroyed, and its militants remain hidden.

“The sons of bitches have no control; it’s not like old times… but sometimes you find them appearing suddenly, you don’t know where from,” said Abu Mohamed, a resident of Gaza City who opposes Hamas. The resident, fearing retaliation, did not provide his full name.

Abu Mohamed said that Hamas has no visible forces present in the city and civilians are unsure of how the group organizes itself. “They don’t have specific places where they gather… we don’t know how they do that,” he said.

When an agreement was reached with Israel for a ceasefire and the release of some hostages in January, armed members of Hamas emerged en masse wearing their full uniform at a public square in Gaza City. The display served as a reminder that Hamas remained active, even after Israel’s efforts to destroy it.

In the weeks that followed, Hamas staged ceremonies to demonstrate its strength during scheduled releases of Israeli hostages captured on October 7. These displays were so provocative that they threatened to derail the agreement.

Recent videos circulating on social media show armed masked men chanting for Hamas’ armed wing – Al Qassam Brigades – while carrying automatic weapons. In one such video, released in August, masked militants are seen setting fire to a vehicle and threatening “thieves and businessmen” who steal aid.

Self-styled as ‘Al Rade’a, or ‘The Deterring,’ the subgroup claims to have been formed by Hamas’ security apparatus to “deter monopolizing businessmen” and gangs collaborating with Israel in Gaza.

Al Rade’a has claimed responsibility for executing people who belong to gangs collaborating with Israel, including six individuals last month in the southern city of Khan Younis.

“Let’s not forget Hamas is not a static institution or figure,” said Alex Plitsas, a military expert and senior non-resident fellow for the Atlantic Council. “They started out with a certain number of fighters on October 7, and then given the destruction and deaths inside Gaza, they’ve also gone on a recruiting spree and replaced folks that were there.”

Estimating an accurate count of Hamas militants in Gaza City is near-impossible.

“Hamas is not a uniform force,” Plitsas explained. “While their government was elected in Gaza, and they have institutions that they’re responsible for, their military wing doesn’t operate like a uniform military… they effectively act like an insurgent force for an elected government that is in the middle of a war, and they don’t play by the rules.”

The takeover and occupation of Gaza City, considered one of Hamas’ last strongholds by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, will require the Israeli military to bring in 60,000 more reserve troops and extend the service of another 20,000, in addition to those already called up.

An Israeli source revealed this week that the military will give Palestinians approximately two months to evacuate the densely populated area before the assault begins, setting a symbolic deadline of October 7, the two-year mark of the war.

Another Israeli military official could not provide an estimate on the number of Hamas forces in Gaza City but stated that the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have not ventured deep into the area in nearly two years of war.

The expectation is that troops will face an enemy that has had time to dig in, using its extensive tunnel network under Gaza City. “They know we’re coming,” the official said, “so they prepare for that.”

The IDF anticipates that once Gaza City is evacuated, they will strike an expanded set of targets in the dense urban area, including sites that weren’t struck before due to the density of the civilian population. However, Israel’s incoming operation has drawn warnings from governments and aid groups concerned about the Israeli military’s conduct over the past two years amid a high civilian casualty rate, allegations of war crimes, human rights abuses, and aid blockades.

“The Israeli military would probably take a couple of months to go into every single building, clear it up, and hit all the tunnels,” Plitsas said. “Is it possible? Yes.” But he cautioned that the operation would be extremely difficult and require significant resources to execute, given the complex nature of Gaza City’s tunnel network.